What is the significance of private ownership of the media in a democracy




















Rio de Janeiro: Multifoco, The modernization of communication: the media in the transition to democracy in Chile. Democracy and the media: a comparative perspective. Cambridge: New York, Democratic transformation and the mass media in Hungary: from Stalinism to democratic consolidation.

Vestiges of authoritarianism: monopoly broadcasting in Central America. Negotiating democracy: media transformations in emerging democracies. Democracy and the media:a comparative perspective. Los duenos de la palabra. Buenos Aires: Prometeo, Media concentration and democracy: why ownership metters. Sobre a democracia. The media and politics in Spain: from dictatorship to democracy.

Institutional incapacity, the attentive public, and media pluralismo in Russia. In: Democracy and the media: a comparative perspective.

Media independence and pluralism in Africa: opportunities and challenges of democratization and liberalization. Emerging media transformation in the New Europe: past and future challenges. However, the lack of alternative sources of information is not only a characteristic of those called authoritarian countries: the ownership concentration of the means of mass Communication is also observed in democratic regimes —in those cases, however, the concentration occurs in the private sphere DJANKOV et al.

State ownership is also vast. The control of information through private institutions in democratic countries was also object of study carried out by Sociedad y Press Institute IPYS. This concentration would mean a dysfunction in democratic regimes, since, in practice, represents the removal of the possibility of institutionalization of alternative sources of information, necessary requirement for democracy, according to Dahl DAHL, Robert.

That is, normatively, the regulation of production and dissemination of symbolic goods could not receive the same treatment to products consumed in shopping centers, for example, precisely because of its potential to shape the choices of those who consume them. Democratic countries tend to be those with lower concentration of Media ownership. The basic standard for democracy would then be a very wide and fair dispersal of power and ubiquitous opportunities to present preferences, views, visions.

Thus, the dispersion of control over the Media by regulatory processes would be understood as a reflection of basic values to the establishment of rules on regulation of Media ownership in democracies — an incentive to the existence of alternative sources of information.

The literature reviewed suggests, therefore, the following association: the more democratic a country, would be the less concentrated Media ownership. At the same time, more pluralistic and developer of democratic values would be the same country. Therefore, its citizens would be more participative. This article proposes to test through statistical tools evidence of these associations but without venturing to point out the existence of possible causal relationships between variables.

The intention is, in exploratory way, identify the possibility of verify such associations provided in the literature. In order to investigate patterns of association between the variables of interest in this context, we use the database provided by The Quality of Government Institute, which provides elements that allow us to test our working hypotheses:.

The scale ranges from , between and , and between , from The higher the value, the less democratic is the country. V3 Political Pluralism and Participation Freedom House : discrete variable that proposes to examine the right to freedom of organization among political parties, the existence of opposition with real chances to garner support, the ability of people to make choices free from military coercion, totalitarian parties or other power group; existence of minority political rights.

The index ranges from 0 least plural to 16 most plural. The index also varies between 0 least democratic to 10 most democratic. The variables listed above were deliberately chosen to make possible the testing of the following cases:. Ha1 there is a negative correlation between democracy index and economic influence over the Media — i. Ha2 there is a negative correlation between political pluralism as well as participation and economic influence over the Media — i. Ha3 there is a negative correlation variance between democratic political culture and economic influence over the Media — i.

First, however, we present a descriptive data analysis. Porto Alegre: Artmed, However, it is worth mentioning that, taking into account the research field, a relevant sample is found.

That helps to avoid the high degree risk of errors of that nature, which are typical of small samples. The standard deviation of 6. Chart 1 illustrates the representation of data on the economic influence over the Media. One should be cautious about data that does not show normal distribution, since such feature may be due to sampling errors.

Accordingly, the observations above also apply to that sample. More recently, however, the readership for a number of independent weekly publications and several new journalistic projects has grown. Key journalists and staff own The tendency for foreign media owners to be crowded out is likely to continue. The acquisition is expected to be completed in mid, but is still subject to regulatory approval.

A wide range of newspapers — national and local — are published in Ireland and this is augmented by the circulation of the main UK newspapers and weeklies. In addition to the range of public-service state-owned radio and TV stations, a variety of privately owned stations also exist.

Irish listeners and viewers also avail themselves to UK English-language stations, which are widely received in the country. As a result, Irish readers, listeners and viewers are exposed to a plurality of opinions. There is a plurality of ownership in the Irish media — the sector includes state radio and TV, private radio and TV, a variety of newspapers with varied private ownership, and many small-circulation magazines that purvey alternative political views and philosophies. However, there are recurrent suspicions about the influence and power of the Independent News and Media Group, an Irish-based multinational media company that owns the largest-circulation national titles.

The control of this company has changed recently following a bitter internal feud. There does not appear to be much basis for such claims. Irish libel laws are restrictive and may impair the ability of investigative journalists to have their work published. However, the restrictions imposed by the existing laws do not imply any bias toward one end of the political spectrum or the other. This can be more difficult to judge at times when there is a large swing in the fortunes of the parties. The constitution provides for freedom of expression without censorship, as well as the right to information.

According to this, the media environment is pluralistic with a variety of public and private television and radio stations, newspapers, and internet portals.

However, the market is dominated by only three media groups. In Catalonia, the moderate nationalist La Vanguardia is the market leader. There is no print newspaper that represents genuinely left-leaning ideas, but progressive digital publications such as Eldiario. There are also significant center-right to right-wing digital media sites such as Elconfidencial. The media market is characterized by pluralism in the electronic and broadcast sectors. Publicly funded television and radio networks provide high-quality programming but have modest resources for news gathering.

There has been an unprecedented consolidation of ownership of local media outlets in recent years. Nevertheless, people in most places have access to at least six different national television news networks in addition to multiple radio stations and the vast array of internet sources.

Because of declining readership, there has been a steady decline of competition in the print media; few major cities today have more than one newspaper. The main challenge with respect to media pluralism is the decline in financial resources available for actual news gathering and reporting, as opposed to commentary. The main problem in the U.

A significant share of the public is therefore effectively not exposed to the most important current information about public affairs. In recent years, media companies have grown in size, extending their hold on the press and broadcasting mainly radio sector, and operating internet news portals.

Dependency on financial interests has increased, evident in media content. This has inevitably led to less critical or no reporting on specific businesses and interests.

However, no ownership rules exist for the press and little data is publicly available, which limits scrutiny. Financial grants to assist print media companies are in place since A similar Council of Ministers decision for grants to television organizations has been kept classified. The Cyprus problem remained the dominant subject in ; it also underpins polarized media positions and biases on other issues. Other themes, including the state of the economy, instances of corruption, the selling of citizenship, and a crisis with Turkey connected to explorations for hydrocarbons also made the headlines.

Issues of social concern such as immigration and refugees, multiculturalism and the environment also occupied some media space in The absence of analytical reporting, combined with advocacy journalism and lenient positions toward the government and elites persisted as major challenges, constraining pluralism in society.

The government and mainstream actors continued to largely monopolize media access, limiting the spectrum of themes covered and the viewpoints expressed. A focus on partisan confrontations, polarization and blame games resulted in critical problems rarely being discussed in a meaningful manner. Citations: 1. The Italian media system is more balanced today than in the past.

Sky TV and La7, as well as other national television and digital broadcasters, offer alternative sources for news. As for print media, the presence of three or four significant groups ensures a satisfactory degree of pluralism. Overall one can say that all political opinions of some relevance in the political spectrum receive fair media coverage.

Understandably, the largest parties obtain more space than the smaller ones. It would be difficult to say that certain positions are not published or are marginalized, especially in the case of newspapers.

Media ownership is diverse. Print media is privately owned, while broadcast media has a mix of public and private ownership. Market pressures have created some consolidation in the market, leading to concerns about pluralism. The merger was reviewed by the Competition Council, which allowed it under a set of conditions to protect media plurality, including a requirement to retain two separate news desks and news-programming systems until This decision has raised concerns about weakening media pluralism in Latvia, as LNT had hitherto operated a well-respected news team.

Newspapers and magazines provide a diverse range of views, but ownership structures are in some cases opaque. Internet news portals Delfi, TVNet and Public Broadcasting of Latvia platform have replaced print newspapers as the primary source of news.. This was due to issues such as media ownership transparency, media communication on the regional level and media access to people with disabilities. Ownership structures are not transparent. Publicly owned electronic media the state-funded National Radio and Television to some extent compensate for deficiencies or biases in private sector media reporting.

According to Transparency International the Vilnius office , some media entities are more transparent than others. In some cases, business conglomerates own multiple newspapers and TV channels. Media-ownership concentration has been increasing over the last several years due to the purchase of media outlets by domestic and foreign companies. In addition, although state and municipal institutions cannot legally act as producers, the Druskininkai municipality finances a newspaper that is freely distributed to locals by working through an educational organization.

In , the Vilnius district court ruled that the Druskininkai municipality broke the law by publishing this newspaper. Between and , other news of ruling municipal politicians limiting the independent reporting of regional media or close connections between ruling parties and regional media outlets surfaced, evidencing that on the municipal level pluralism of opinions is limited.

The market share of the Luxemburger Wort fell to In March , an ambitious online magazine project called Reporter launched, driven by several young journalists. A considerable amount of foreign media is consumed, especially on television. Service information et presse du gouvernement luxembourgeois, Accessed 22 Oct Accessed 4 jan. The newspaper market has shown diversification, with several leading groups emerging.

The Impresa group held several print outlets, its flagship being the influential Expresso weekly. In January , the Impresa group sold all its titles, except Expresso, to a new group, called Trust in News. There is also an online daily newspaper, called Observador, which has a classical liberal orientation, as set out in its editorial statutes. This diversity results in a degree of pluralism. At the same time, most media outlets — notably newspapers — face considerable financial challenges.

These financial challenges contribute to the considerable volatility in media-ownership patterns, as evidenced by the sale of the Impresa titles. The Dutch media landscape is very pluralistic but nonetheless subject to a gradual narrowing of media ownership, internationalization and rapid commercialization. On the other hand, availability of foreign and national web-based TV and radio has increased tremendously. Innovations in newspaper media include tabloids, Sunday editions, and new-media editions online, mobile phone, etc.

On a regional level, the one-paper-city model is now dominant; there are even several cities lacking local papers altogether. The degree of ownership concentration in the print media is high. As the circulation of traditional magazines decreases, publishers are launching new titles to attract readers. There are currently at least 8, different magazine titles available for Dutch readers. Print outlets — both newspapers and magazines — carry a high share of advertising, but this is declining.

There are several public and private television and radio stations at the national, regional and local levels. The three public channels continue to lose viewers. However, online access to news and entertainment has increased due to the prevalence of smartphones, widespread availability of Wi-Fi, and paid news and entertainment sources.

Though the issue of ownership concentration also affects the social media and internet search engines. Ten million Dutch residents use the internet on a regular basis, amounting to almost For both print and digital media, users usually trust news reports and do not worry excessively about the issue of fake news, although a clear majority believe that technology and media companies ought to provide better information about and more opportunities for identifying fake news.

The government also has a responsibility according to many internet users. However, the country was characterized medium risk in market plurality and high risk for concentration of cross-media ownership, as there are no legal restrictions at all and transparency of ownership is low. This requires better regulation of media mergers. Citations: P. Bakker, 30 jaar kranten in Nederland: consolidatie en monopolievorming, in mediamonitor. The BBC as a public-service broadcaster has a dominant position, especially with regard to broadcast and online news.

There is a long tradition of powerful individual owners, such as Rupert Murdoch News Corporation , dating back to the 19th century. This coexists with a lively regional newspaper scene. However, regional newspapers have little influence in terms of national opinion. The electronic media and television market, in contrast, is much more balanced and also required by regulation to be politically neutral. The support of the Murdoch media empire has been considered politically crucial over the last two decades.

In addition, the Leveson Inquiry has demanded higher diversity in ownership and tighter regulation on media mergers, both of which if enacted could also work toward more diversity of opinion.

The press, collectively, has strongly opposed attempts to circumscribe the freedom of opinion, and the matter remains unresolved. Relatively few actors have an ownership stake in the major private-media companies, a situation normal within an economy of this size and within an oligopolistic market.

In practice, the various media outlets television, radio, print and web offer a diverse range of opinion, and most political positions are well represented. One issue affecting media outlets is the growing financial stress on print media. Most of the major print press groups, both Flemish and Francophone, are encountering severe financial difficulties as print sales continue to decline and web-based business models appear unable to sustain a broad pool of professional journalists.

Media ownership in Canada is concentrated, with a small number of Canadian-owned and Canadian-controlled media conglomerates dominating the mainstream print and electronic media. There is also strong media concentration in some parts of the country e.

This trend has accelerated with the of projected shutdown of several dozen local newspapers following a deal between two national newspaper corporations, Torstar and Postmedia Group.

A case can be made that the lack of competition in the industry has led to a lack of diversity in views and positions. For example, mainstream media outlets rarely support social-democratic political parties. The mainstream print media argue that while their editorials generally express a right-wing or centrist political orientation, they make an effort to seek out contributors with left-wing perspectives and to provide balanced coverage of issues.

Whether this is indeed the case is, however, doubtful. Although alternative sources of information such as online newspapers, magazines and social media e.

In this regard, the concentration of media ownership in Canada means that certain opinions are not represented to the degree that they are held by the general population.

Media ownership in Iceland can be divided into three blocs, two private ones and one public. Since , its chief editor has been the former prime minister and Independence Party leader.

Other newspapers include DV, Stundin and Kjarninn. Given the somewhat broader ownership of TV and radio media combined with several smaller TV broadcasters, radio stations and newspapers, media ownership in Iceland can be considered fairly pluralistic.

This view justifies utilizing special regulatory tools as opposed to exclusive antitrust regulation in order to prevent the concentration of ownership and cross-ownership in the media sector.

In this spirit, media regulation in Israel also oversees issues of content specifically regarding issues of local production and censorship. In practice, media regulation in Israel is largely structural, controlling ownership of media outlets radio, and public and private cable and satellite television.

The regulators authorize concessionaires and enforce regulation in matters of ownership concentration, cross-ownership and foreign ownership. However, print media is not under the same restraints as broadcast media, and is regulated by antitrust legislation and voluntary self-regulation.

Most news websites in Israel are operated by print media companies. There are ongoing efforts to expand regulation to the digital sphere, but no change has been legislated by parliament as of yet. In recent years, ideological and financial centralism has increased, while the government has attempted to improve regulation of and competition in the communications market. Since the split took effect last year, all three commercial stations Keshet, Reshet and Channel 10 sustained losses of millions and sometimes tens of millions of shekels per month, which will amount to more than ILS million over the year.

Password Please enter your Password. Forgot password? Don't have an account? Sign in via your Institution. You could not be signed in, please check and try again. Sign in with your library card Please enter your library card number. Search within Media Ownership and Journalism. Keywords journalism studies media ownership pluralism democracy monopolization media systems clientalism commercialism media concentration nonprofits public service broadcasting.

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